The Alliance ü For Change

The Core Policies of The Alliance For Change

  1. The decades long entrenched power of the three major Great Britain-wide political parties, "the Lib Lab Con Trick", is an impediment to true democracy.
  2. The comparatively recent abandonment of "cabinet" government, within which the Prime Minister is merely the "first amongst equals", in favour of the Prime Minister of the day's de facto powers resembling more those of a "president" (or even a dictator), is damaging to democracy.
  3. In this day and age, respect for human rights, dignity and freedoms is of such huge importance that it ought almost always be made the paramount consideration. The adoption or the retention of the outward trappings of a democracy on the part of a nation state doesn't protect the freedom of the peoples of those nations concerned. On the contrary, it is a people's freedom that protects its democracy.
  4. Starting wars, especially on trumped-up pretexts (such as by the commissioning of "dodgy dossiers"), in circumstances in which sincerely attempting, with tenacity, less drastic measures, might yet succeed in defusing real or imagined threats, constitutes an abuse of the human rights of all those whom such wars harm, including civilians, enemy combatants and our own forces. The UK should set the world an impeccable example, by endeavouring to seek and to promote peace, in preference to conflict, everywhere in the world, regardless of UK commercial interests and any "hidden agendas". When, regrettably, war is waged, it should never again be waged with the callous indifference we have witnessed recently as regards the uncounted harm any such war inflicts upon human populations of the new war zones thus created. Any war waged must be just, and wise. An absence of widespread domestic and international support for a proposed war is a strong indication that the proposed war may well not be just, still less wise.
  5. Nobody should be detained, except very briefly (for example to give the police a reasonable chance to investigate alleged crimes), without the prompt bringing of criminal charges against the accused for which he or she is brought swiftly to a fair trial.
  6. Any use of torture, of any kind, for any purpose, is an abomination. It is foolish, and should become considered unBritish, for decisions to be taken, affecting drastically the lives of individual human beings, whenever those decision are taken in the supposed "light" of supposed "intelligence" that has been extracted, for example by third parties, by using torture to extract what might possibly turn out to be true information, or which might (more likely) turn out to be misinformation (such as forced confessions) supplied under duress by a torture victim, in the hope that telling his torturers what they appeared to want to hear, might end or ease his or her torture.
  7. Euthanasia of people who are unwell or whose quality of life is impaired (including especially killing them by thirst or starvation) should not formally be legalised. However, we uphold the right not to receive medical treatments, which they do not or would not want, of all who are able to form and to express, or who have recently already expressed clearly, an informed decision to refuse particular (or all) medical treatments, even when their decisions are against medical advice and might result in their harm. We do not count as culpable homicide the accidental causation of death of very sick or injured people who might otherwise suffer severe pain, by the administration of doses of pain management medication adequate to prevent severe pain, especially in cases where prognosis of longevity is minute, in the view of competent clinical judgement arrived at conscientiously.
  8. The UK should be generous in meeting its obligations to those arriving who are seeking asylum from well-founded fear of persecution in their own countries, with the benefit of any doubt being given to such "asylum seekers". Any less generous stance should become considered as unBritish as so callous a stance would uncontroversially have been considered in days gone by.
  9. Welcoming, into UK residence, employable, enterprising or taxable and self-financed foreign or Commonwealth citizens who aren't asylum seekers is beneficial to the British economy, and could easily help considerably towards solving our "pensions crisis". However, some care may be needed to avoid damaging developing overseas economies. We should not profiteer from a "brain drain" of skilled workers, trained at the expense of the under-developed overseas economies, migrating towards our more developed economy, with the undesirable effect of depriving permanently the economies at whose expense these economic migrants were trained from benefiting from the skills the overseas economies paid for them to acquire.
  10. The right to be different, and to think differently, of ethnic, religious and cultural minorities should be respected. There should be no crime of "incitement to religious hatred", in view of the risk of the persecution of fundamentalists merely for promoting their own beliefs.
  11. We won't tolerate compulsory identity cards, control orders, or any of the other trappings of a "police state" recently proposed and would repeal or soften any hurried legislation of this type.
  12. We will seek to ameliorate the harm which the class structure inflicts upon the British economy and our quality of life. One measure we will use will be to encourage the building of affordable social housing that is integrated geographically with more expensive commercial housing, so that the poorest paid workers and the unwaged no longer tend routinely to be dumped en masse onto out-of-town housing estates.
  13. We will favour openness and honesty with the British public concerning any misconduct or deceit on the part of the present or past governments. (It took 50 years before the truth recently came out about a British soldier killed unlawfully during a biological weapons experiment in which he id not give informed consent to be used as a "guinea pig". The persistent denial over five decades of that particular government crime over five decades was morally unacceptable.) The right to vote in elections is devalued to the point of becoming virtually worthless if the government policies and practices for which one is really voting for on ballot day is kept secret, by being declared "classified". "Whistle-blowers" who expose wrongdoing should be honoured as heroes, not prosecuted as criminals during the course of trials whose proceedings are unpublicised.
  14. We will reaffirm our appreciation of the British Commonwealth. We regard our heritage as the most successful imperialist conqueror in recorded history, yet also that whose empire was dismantled most quickly, with and with least antagonism, retaining the friendship of former overseas nations once colonised by British people and ruled by Britain, giving rise to a concept of Britishness that was international, as a heritage in jeopardy and deserving of greater recognition.
  15. We will reaffirm our appreciation of other nations historically friendly towards us, within the continent of Europe, and also the wider world.
  16. We will investigate objectively and report factually to the British people upon the extent to which the European Union as presently constituted is democratically accountable to the peoples of Europe, and is working in the true interests of the peoples of Europe, and whether it permits or impedes the exercise of national sovereignty on the part of member states of the present European Union, such as the UK. We would be willing, if appropriate, to withdraw, wholly or partially from the European Union, if supported in this gesture by the British people. If such a measure turned out to be both justified and popular, we would apply this ultimate sanction against the European Union, not in order to distance ourselves from the entire community of European nations with which our own history is linked inextricably, still less to antagonise the peoples of any of those other European nations, but rather with the intention of encouraging other European peoples from abandoning the highly debatable notion that the European Union as presently constituted provides the best possible mechanism for promoting the interests of European peoples.
  17. We will move to cancel government-to-government debts of poor countries where we believe that this will relieve or prevent serious hardship in populations. We will encourage fair trade.
  18. We will investigate the options for a fairer system for voting for MPs, one which would tend to produce a distribution of seats more proportional to the votes cast, but without bias towards party candidates and against independent candidates.
  19. We will curtail that aspect of "Parliamentary Etiquette" that restricts the freedom of MPs to represent causes brought to them by those outside their own geographical areas, freeing MPs to take a special interest in particular issues, and freeing voters to approach MPs willing to speak up about issues about which their own local MPs don't care.
  20. We will seek to reform the House of Lords, so that, once the reform process is completed, the only peers who will be allowed to vote in divisions in the Lords will have been elected by the public as life peers. However, life peers ought not be elected to represent geographically defined constituencies.
  21. We will encourage inward investment on the part of labour-intensive industries into depressed areas, so that greater opportunities are created for those who are presently unwaged.
  22. We will defend the people, the territory and the constitution of the United Kingdom.